When Phyllis Funke hit bottom, the court appointed a guardian to prop
her up. The remedy is like prison, she said. But “at least in prison you
have rights.”
The last weeks that Phyllis Funke could legally make decisions for herself, she climbed into bed, planning to stay there for a while. It was the end of 2016 and she felt disillusioned with the election and wounded by her brother’s recent move to Texas.
She
wasn’t considering suicide, she said. She just needed to go under the
covers until she could figure out how to deal with the rest of her life,
so totally alone.
She had credit cards, a car, friends and financial advisers in Maine and New York.
When
a caseworker from Adult Protective Services and a city psychiatrist
entered her apartment on March 3, 2017, clipping the security chain
because she did not answer the door, she was unraveling emotionally and
physically, at risk of becoming homeless or worse. She had no idea what
price she would pay for the intervention.
“I’ve
been bullied, blackmailed and stripped of the things I need to live,
including my money,” she said on a recent afternoon. “Everything has
been taken away from me. I have no access to my bank accounts. I don’t
have the money to pay for the medications that I’m prescribed. I don’t
get mail. I can’t choose my own doctors.”
Ms. Funke had entered the world of adult guardianship.
In a city
like New York, where people are used to looking past their neighbors,
how often do you see someone and ask yourself, Is that person O.K.?
Should I call someone? Maybe they’re older and not moving well. They
look adrift in the produce aisle, or you pass their open apartment door
and you can’t see the floor for the clutter. You’re a paramedic and
they’re refusing to go to the hospital after a bloody fall. It’s your
mother or your uncle, and you’re worried about the bills piling up, or
the email scams or the sudden loan to a stranger.
You bandage the wound or you promise to check in tomorrow, or you turn away and get on with your life.
Or you call Adult Protective Services. After all, that person needs some sort of protection, doesn’t she?
For
Ms. Funke, that call came from the management of her building, after
she didn’t respond to court motions to evict her for hoarding.
Ms.
Funke, 77, has a master’s degree from Columbia University, a pilot
license and — she believes — several hundred thousand dollars in
investments, mostly an inheritance from her parents. She is a scuba
diver, an avid reader and a global traveler. She has lived in the same
cheap apartment for 41 years. If it were up to her, she said, she would
be sailing in the Marquesas Islands in French Polynesia right now.
She is also, in
the eyes of New York State, an “incapacitated person.” She has been
deemed unable to manage her personal needs and property, or to
understand the danger she had fallen into.
What
started as a complaint about clutter grew to affect every aspect of her
existence, including her right to make basic decisions about her life,
own a gun or enter into certain legal contracts. Her appointed guardian,
a former police officer, said he was unsure whether Ms. Funke had the
right to marry.
“I feel as if I have
absolutely no rights at all in the country in which I was born, and
therefore in the rest of the world,” Ms. Funke said. She compared her
situation to being in prison, then thought better of it. “It’s worse
than incarceration,” she said. “At least in prison you have rights.”
If you have heard
at all about guardianship for older adults, chances are that it has
been about a predatory guardian who plunders the estate of a helpless
older person. In New York, the poster victim is a Brooklyn judge named
John Phillips, whose guardians sold off more than $20 million of his
real estate and left him to freeze to death in 2008 in a facility
unlicensed to treat people with dementia.
Last
month, the United States Senate Committee on Aging called for massive
reforms in the guardianship system, warning that “unscrupulous
guardians” have used their position to get control of vulnerable people
and then “liquidate assets and savings for their own personal benefit.”
When
I started to look into guardianship, I expected to find many such
clear-cut cases. In New York, anyone can petition to have someone
declared incapacitated. A judge may then appoint a family member or a
third party, usually a lawyer, to be guardian over the person’s physical
needs, financial affairs or both. Critics of guardianship say these
strangers have open license to raid their wards’ estates.
But as I met
families in contested guardianships, more often the conflicts involved
sibling infighting, with children battling for control of their aging
parents’ assets, crying foul if the courts did not side with them.
A
retired banker in Brooklyn, for instance, was placed under guardianship
after two of her children accused a third of stealing from her. Now
they are all in court.
On Long
Island, a son was trying to keep his frail, blind mother at home,
battling a daughter and a guardian who wanted to move her to an
assisted-living facility. The son blamed his sister and the guardian and
the judge and the court evaluator and a real estate broker.
On
Manhattan’s Upper West Side, a mentally ill woman who was living with
her mother became homeless after the mother’s guardian obtained a court
order barring her from the apartment, because he said she was
interfering with the mother’s care. These families, too, are in court.
Guardianship
was where the breakdowns of modern life — broken families, broken
health, broken finances and broken bureaucracy — tumbled together in a
system that appeared to bring out the worst in people: secretive,
confusing and run by lawyers, with extraordinary powers over vulnerable
individuals. It was also the last defense for lives that had come
undone.
Then there was Phyllis Funke.
Her
letter of introduction began, “Permit me, please, despite the
above-noted ‘situation,’ to introduce myself. (Assuming ‘I’ still exist;
as I trust you’ll gather from the accompanying ‘tale,’ I’ve an
officially appointed guardian who’s doing his darnedest to eradicate
‘me’ — possibly violating New York City and State laws while denying me
all my assets, civil rights, and often telephone service).”
Ms. Funke was something different.
She
was a journalist and had written freelance articles for The Times,
among other places. She said she’d reported from more than 150
countries. Her father, Lewis Funke, had been a drama editor and critic
at The Times. Roy Cohn, Senator Joseph McCarthy’s notorious counselor,
was a distant relation; Dick Morris, the controversial former political
consultant, was her stepbrother.
When
the city workers entered her apartment that day, they found her
malnourished, dehydrated, unaware that she was under eviction
proceedings or that she had not paid the rent in months. There was
almost no food in the apartment, and clutter throughout.
As Ms. Funke remembered it, “They asked me who the president was, and I said, do I really have to say that name?”
She
could not say how she got in her mental state; maybe it had to do with a
lack of sleep. “I was eating less and less,” she recalled later. “I had
pasta, and when I ran out of sauce I used Worcestershire sauce. There
were cans of tuna but I couldn’t find a can opener, so I used a hammer
and an awl.
“The closest I can come is to say I dissociated,” she said. “I checked out.”
In
the coming months, while she recuperated in a nursing home, the
protective-services agency petitioned the court to declare her
incapacitated and place her under guardianship.
In
court, the city psychiatrist testified that she suffered from
“unspecified bipolar and related disorder, rule out bipolar II disorder,
hoarding disorder and unspecified personality disorder.”
The
designation “rule out” means that further examination was needed to
rule out the disorder; according to Ms. Funke, no one ever conducted
this examination, and the court records do not indicate any further
evaluation. At one court hearing she appeared lucid and persuasive; at
the next she was barely coherent.
The judge, Shawn
T. Kelly, appointed a lawyer named Gil V. Perez to be her guardian, and
suspended the eviction proceedings. It was for her own good.
Nancy
Yonge, a friend of Ms. Funke’s from Smith College, saw the case
differently. She had visited in late 2016, and found Ms. Funke lucid,
planning her next travel adventure.
“She
had financial advisers locally and in Maine who were looking after her
resources,” Ms. Yonge said. “I do believe this case is all about the
money. If she didn’t have money, they wouldn’t be after her this way.”
By the time I visited Ms. Funke this summer, she said that her dissociative state had passed, and that she was “sentient.”
Her
apartment: books galore, yarn sticking out of a cabinet door, couch
piled with knitting supplies and a laptop, wall art from her travels,
room for two people to sit. Nothing outrageous. The next time I returned
the papers had doubled, covering the couch and parts of the floor. She
was working on her case, she said.
She produced a letter from a psychiatrist declaring her stable and “perfectly competent to handle all her affairs.”
In
a country that guarantees the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness, at what point does a person forfeit the right to make bad
decisions?
Some numbers would be
helpful here: how many people are in guardianship, what assets they
have, how many petitions are accepted or rejected. Unfortunately, those
numbers do not exist in any meaningful way. Guardianship records are
kept separately by each of New York’s 62 counties, with no standardized
reporting and no state or city totals. Other states are similar.
“Why
are there not systems in place?” asked Pamela Teaster, director of the
Center for Gerontology at Virginia Tech University, who is studying New
York’s guardianship system. “When you look for a shirt on the internet,
your email will be filled with ads for shirts. We can’t track who’s
under guardianship and their ages and health status.”
A “best guess”
by the National Center for State Courts put the number of people in
guardianship nationally at between one million and three million. In
Manhattan, a database used by the court lists 2,596 guardianship cases
for incapacitated adults, though some of these people may have died.
Other
numbers do exist. Since last August, when the process started, Ms.
Funke has been billed $16,800 by her court-appointed lawyer; $3,437 by a
court evaluator, who deemed her in need of guardianship; $5,000 by her
first temporary guardian, Mr. Perez, whose original request for $13,790
was slashed by the judge; at least $9,050 by her current guardian, who
took over last November; plus money for a geriatric care manager and
home attendants, whom Ms. Funke resents. (All fees must be approved by
the judge.) Whenever the various players convened, the meter for Ms.
Funke ran at close to $1,000 an hour, for a process she did not want.
When
New York enacted its statute governing guardianship for older or frail
adults, Article 81 of the Mental Hygiene Law, in 1992 (a different
statute covers people with intellectual or developmental disabilities),
it was considered a progressive model, requiring guardians to provide
the least restrictive conditions possible and consider their wards’
preferences in all decisions.
“It’s a
great statute,” said Kristin Booth Glen, a former judge who helped
write Article 81 and now advocates for an alternative to guardianship
called supported decision making. “And if people actually applied it, we
wouldn’t have a lot of people under guardianship. But they don’t.
That’s the problem.”
Ms.
Funke wanted to hire a cleaning service for her clutter. But a
geriatric care manager insisted on trained home attendants. Ms. Funke
saw the attendants as unwanted intruders.CreditLily Landes for The New York Times
Instead,
she said, judges have found it safer to overprotect people, and
guardians, who bill their wards at steep hourly rates, have only their
own moral incentives to do a good job — their clients are too
incapacitated to object, and court monitoring is minimal. How minimal?
Though the statute requires guardians to report on their wards’ assets
and care within 90 days, a study of cases in 14 New York counties found that it took an average of 237 days, and then 210 days before anyone read it.
This leaves
families feeling powerless and uninformed. Bars to entry are low: in New
York, aspiring guardians must complete a one-day certification course. A
2010 report by
the federal Government Accountability Office found that the courts
conducted no background checks, relying on the applicants to disclose
any criminal convictions or recent bankruptcies.
Once
someone is under guardianship, it is very difficult to get out, because
any resistance can be treated as evidence that they are at risk to
themselves, so they need protection. For emotionally fragile people, the
stress of guardianship — of paying to have your rights transferred to
someone else — can make them even more fragile. And if a relative
opposes a guardian’s actions, everyone involved — the guardian, lawyers
for both the guardian and the ward, the court evaluator and possibly
others — can bill the ward for their time.
“It’s
total overkill, it’s completely unconstitutional and it’s done every
day,” Ms. Glen said. “And it’s done in the name of protection. And the
real question is, does it actually protect people? There’s no evidence
that it does. When you give one person total power over another person’s
life, including the power to isolate that person, you’re setting them
up for abuse and neglect and exploitation.”
Guardians
and judges complain that the system is vastly underfunded, and that
most wards have little or no assets to pay for time-consuming work.
Several nonprofit organizations provide guardianship for poor
individuals.
Jean Callahan, who
oversees low-income guardianship cases as attorney in charge at the
Legal Aid Society’s Brooklyn neighborhood office, likened guardianship
to nursing homes. “It’s not what anyone would choose, but I’m glad
they’re there,” she said. “It’s a blunt instrument, but it does solve
problems sometimes.”
Even then,
though, it transforms one sort of bad situation — the descent into
helplessness — into another, which is a supported death. There are no
happy outcomes.
Phyllis Ellen Funke
grew up in the Parkchester section of the Bronx and later Mount Vernon,
a high-achieving teenager with a lust for travel and occasional bouts
of depression. She wanted to be an actress, she said, but turned to
journalism after her father threatened to thwart her in order to protect
her from the casting couch. “He would never believe there was an
editing couch,” she said, alleging a demand for sex from an editor at a
major Jewish publication. She mentioned other people who sabotaged her
career or wounded her. It was a theme of her conversation.
“She doesn’t have delusions,” her brother, Michael, said. “She can have strong opinions.”
Friends
thought she never got over her father’s disapproval. She got writing
assignments from prestigious publications but never turned them into an
income of more than $5,000 or $6,000 a year.
Her rent, set at 30 percent of her net income, once dropped to $97 a month.
“I
remember almost constant complaining about her father,” said Morton
Fleischner, a friend from journalism school who went on to be a producer
at ABC News.
Ms. Funke traveled and
wrote and traveled and wrote. She acquired stuff on her travels and put
it in her apartment, and acquired research materials for future trips
and put these in her apartment as well. She bought scuba gear from the
shop next door. She bought yarn for knitting. In 2004, the building
moved to evict her for hoarding, but her parents helped her tidy up.
Bill
Lambrecht, 81, a neighbor and friend for more than 30 years, dismissed
her clutter as a harmless eccentricity. “Her apartment was always really
messy,” he said. “I’d see pennies on the floor, clothes shoved
everywhere. She doesn’t hoard things. She just throws things on the
floor.”
Mr. Lambrecht accompanied Ms.
Funke to a court conference this August. He had been a guardian for an
older woman once, and did not think Ms. Funke needed that level of
oversight. At the conference, Judge Kelly called Ms. Funke “a brilliant
woman,” but he added, on the guardianship question, “That ship has
sailed.”
The judge offered to address
any problems she was having with her new guardian, Charles Barbuti,
adding that this was not the time to reopen the case — for that she had
to fill out a form called an Order to Show Cause. He had explained that
last time, Judge Kelly said. Ms. Funke began at the beginning.
Digressions opened into other digressions. When Judge Kelly stopped her,
she simply started again.
“I’m begging you,” Judge Kelly said. “I have spent more time on your case than on any single other case on my docket.” He ended the conference to hear the next case.
Mr. Lambrecht
said: “She’s lucid, intelligent and knows how to take care of herself,
mostly. She never cuts to the chase on things. But she’s not a bad
person in any way. She’s very lonely. She’s what you’d call a noodge.”
Outside the courtroom Ms. Funke snagged Mr. Barbuti.
“I need money to pay for my medication.”
“Send me the bills, I’ll pay them.”
She could not do this, she said, for a simple reason. “I’m not taking the medication.”
It
was a standoff. Mr. Barbuti billed $250 an hour. Sheila O’Brien, the
geriatric care manager, stood by. She billed $150 an hour, plus $75 an
hour for travel time to and from her office in Connecticut.
The
judge ordered home-care aides to tackle Ms. Funke’s clutter — twice a
week, four hours each time. Ms. Funke wanted to hire a cleaning service
instead. Often she refused to allow the home attendants into her
apartment. This was seen as noncompliance, further grounds to continue
guardianship.
“I want to see this work for you, I really do,” Judge Kelly told her. “I know you don’t want this. Help me make it work.”
If you made that call to Adult Protective Services about Ms. Funke, did you do the right thing?
The
initial intervention brought her back from the edge of malnutrition and
dehydration. Judge Kelly stopped the eviction proceedings and ordered
help to keep the clutter from returning.
But at what cost?
In
Ms. Funke’s view, the process was an assault on her liberty — and in
one instance, on her person. Before a court hearing last November, when
she refused to get out of bed, the guardian, Gil Perez, forced the
issue.
What happened is in dispute.
Ms.
Funke said Mr. Perez dragged her out of bed, slammed her head
repeatedly against the wall, then dragged her out toward the elevator in
her nightgown. At the hearing that day, Judge Kelly noted that she was
disheveled and unresponsive. “Ms. Funke,” he said, “you just don’t seem
yourself to me today.”
Mr. Perez did
not respond to requests for comment. At the hearing he told the judge,
“Today, getting her to this court was quite an adventure.” Ms. Funke
said nothing.
Nathan Villada, a
paramedic who was helping Ms. Funke after her initial crisis, cleaning
the apartment and taking her to medical appointments, said Mr. Perez was
physical but not violent in the way she described. “This was when
Phyllis was doing really, really badly mentally,” Mr. Villada said.
“She was yelling obscenities and it seemed like she was making aggressive movements toward him. So Gil started grabbing her hands. And that just made her more aggressive. Gil pushed her against the bookshelf more as a restraint, not slamming her. My personal preference, I don’t think there’s a necessity to touch someone like that. She started yelling out, ‘Help, help, I’m being raped.’ He pushed her out into the hallway, but he didn’t drag her on the floor.”
“She was yelling obscenities and it seemed like she was making aggressive movements toward him. So Gil started grabbing her hands. And that just made her more aggressive. Gil pushed her against the bookshelf more as a restraint, not slamming her. My personal preference, I don’t think there’s a necessity to touch someone like that. She started yelling out, ‘Help, help, I’m being raped.’ He pushed her out into the hallway, but he didn’t drag her on the floor.”
Ms.
Yonge said Ms. Funke had called her at the time and told her about the
episode, describing it as an “assault.” “She was in tears about it,” Ms.
Yonge said.
Over time, Ms. Funke
began to see this encounter as the root of her problems, and all the
court’s interventions as more harmful than helpful. If she hadn’t been
roughed up, she wouldn’t have been listless in court that day. If she
hadn’t been listless, she would have persuaded the judge that she did
not need a guardian.
Ms.
Funke also said that a social worker from Adult Protective Services
propositioned her and touched her inappropriately, and that Mr. Villada
and his girlfriend had stolen from her. Whatever the validity of her
charges, the anguish she feels is clearly real.
Mr.
Barbuti, who succeeded Mr. Perez as her guardian, said he had not
looked into her charges. That was police work, he said, and he was no
longer in that line. (He was a captain in the Bronx until he retired in
2011.) “I can’t subpoena people,” he said. “Interviewing people and
giving Miranda warnings are far beyond the ambit of what I can do.”
It can all
be maddening. Claude Pepper, a congressman from Florida, once called
guardianship “the most punitive civil penalty that can be levied against
an American citizen, with the exception, of course, of the death
penalty.”
One day in her apartment,
Ms. Funke tried to refuse a scheduled visit from Ms. O’Brien and a home
attendant. They came up anyway.
Ms.
Funke treated them with open disdain. The attendant pointed to a creased
throw rug on the floor. “We talked about this, Phyllis,” she said. Risk
of falls. Ms. Funke saw the apartment through different eyes, as a
journal of her travels.
“Each rug means something to me,” she said. “Each has a story attached to it.”
Maybe
this wasn’t prison, but for Ms. Funke, it was four walls and no easy
way out. Was there money left in her investment accounts? Even the court
didn’t know. Only the guardian had access to her records.
Ms. Funke said
Mr. Barbuti often failed to give her the $150 a week allotted by the
court, and that he was late paying bills for her parking garage, car
insurance, her phone and internet, and that her supplemental health
insurance was expired. In court Mr. Barbuti told the judge that he could
not pay some of her bills because she refused to provide them to him.
Some
days it seemed like she spent more time fighting with Mr. Barbuti over
her bills than it would take to manage them, and they were still a royal
mess, she said.
Mr. Barbuti said
people had the wrong idea about guardians, that their powers were
limited to what the judge gave them. New York also limited runaway fees:
if a guardian billed more than $75,000 in a year, he or she could not
take any new cases the following year.
“There’s
a misconception about guardianship, that somehow or other you become
that person’s alter ego,” Mr. Barbuti said. “That’s just not the case.
All you can do is what the court tells you you can do.” He added: “I
like this kind of work. I feel there’s a chance to help somebody and
make a difference in their lives.”
If you were
Ms. Funke, shouldn’t you be allowed to withdraw into the covers if you
wanted to? And the clutter in your apartment — couldn’t people
understand that a writer needs materials around? Even if she were
evicted, she had money to start somewhere else. Courts evict people with
lots less.
If you were Judge Kelly, what would you do? Would you want to be the judge who left her vulnerable and unprotected?
Mr. Barbuti said the question of guardianship was a complex one.
“People
should have the right to make their own decisions, even if you might
look at it and I might look at it or a judge might look at it and say
that’s not a good decision,” he said. “I don’t think the government
should be making decisions like that for people. I think people should
be able to make bad decisions. Within bounds.”
What these bounds were, he could not say.
Ms.
Funke said she just wanted to get on with her life. As she approached
80, she worried that she might spend the rest of her years fighting to
get out of guardianship. So she fought harder.
She remained on probation at her building.
By
early December she was still writing her Order to Show Cause. It began,
“I’m petitioning, very simply, for the return of my life. The chance to
hope again, to dream again. And live the years that remain in a
fulfilling and fulfilled manner. Too much has already been destroyed —
much improperly; possibly illegally. And primarily — -carelessly,
selfishly and pointlessly.”
Fifteen pages later, it still had a long way to go. She was working on it, she said.
Full Article & Source:
‘I’m Petitioning … for the Return of My Life’
I pray she will get her life back.
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